Professional & Knowledgable Law Team

Tuesday, January 31, 2012

Blatchford: At the heart of Shafia trial, the very notion of what is a girl


KINGSTON, Ont. — It was, as the shy prosecutor Gerard Laarhuis said outside the lovely old Frontenac County courthouse, “a good day for Canadian justice.”
And so it was: Mohammad Shafia, Tooba Mohammad Yahya and Hamed Mohammad Shafia, respectively the Afghan parents and brother of three teenage girls and the woman they loved like a mother, had just been convicted of four counts each of first-degree murder moments earlier.
“This verdict sends a very clear message about our Canadian values and the core principles in a free and democratic society that all Canadians enjoy, and even visitors to Canada enjoy,” Laarhuis said.
The “visitors” reference was a kind and graceful nod to Rona Amir Mohammad, Shafia’s unacknowledged other wife.
Unlike the rest of the sprawling clan, she was brought to Canada as a domestic servant and was on a visitor’s visa, its renewal held over her head like a axe ready to fall by her co-wife Yahya and Shafia.
The three, still crying foul as they were led away to begin serving automatic life sentences for murder, are guilty of wiping out nearly half their family.
“It is difficult to conceive of a more heinous, more despicable and more honourless crime,” Ontario Superior Court Judge Robert Maranger said Sunday after the jury foreman had read aloud the verdicts.
Looking directly at Shafia, 58, Yahya, 42, and their oldest son Hamed as they stood before him in the prisoners’ box for the last time, the judge concluded with a stinging denunciation.
“The apparent reason behind these cold-blooded, shameless murders was that the four completely innocent victims offended your twisted notion of honour, a notion of honour that is founded upon the domination and control of women, a sick notion of honour that has absolutely no place in any civilized society.”
By using the words “honourless” and “shameless”, Maranger was tossing back at Shafia some of the very epithets he used so often when speaking about his dead daughters.
The mass honour slaying of Zainab, Sahar and Geeti — respectively 19, 17 and 13 — and 52-year-old Mohammad, Shafia’s other, and sadly barren, wife, ranks among the worst in the sordid history of honour crimes.
It was an electric finale for a case that got international attention for the horrific “honour” motive which drove the crime and for a great, rollicking trial which featured shocking wiretapped evidence, galling testimony and even a bomb threat.
At its very heart, as prosecutors argued, were not only the three lost teens and Mohammad, but also the very notion of what is a girl.
As Shafia once howled to Yahya, in what they imagined was the privacy of their minivan just days after their household had been almost halved: “Every night I used to think of myself as a cuckold. Every day I used to go and gather (her) from the arms of boys.”
If the question was downright creepy — why on Earth would any father ever feel like a cuckold? — the answer was far worse: Because, of course, that father believed he was the one who had absolute control of his daughters’ sexuality.
As prosecutor Laurie Lacelle told the jurors in her closing address — and here she was talking about the family’s desperate efforts to get Zainab back home after she had run away to a shelter just two months before her death — the family was frantic because “she might be with unapproved males. She might be having sex.”
This was one of the most egregious disconnects of the trial, the difference between the overwhelming evidence that this was a family absolutely obsessed with honour and female chastity and what the Shafias said about it in court.
Both Yahya and Shafia flatly denied ever even hearing about honour killing and said, besides, one could never reclaim it that way anyway, heaven’s no.
As Yahya put it, “This (honour killing) is something I never heard” until “they put this name on our case, which is really shameful for us.”
Yet honour crimes, a phenomenon spreading across the planet and on the rise just about everywhere, have happened and been publicized in every place this family has ever lived, from their native Afghanistan to Australia and Dubai and, of course, Canada.
Where once such crimes were largely confined to the Middle East and South Asia, the United Nations Special Rapporteur on violence against women now gets reports of such crimes from more than 20 countries.
Recent research by the Iranian and Kurdish Women’s Rights Organisation, which just last month published figures from British police forces obtained through freedom of information requests, showed almost 3,000 honour attacks were recorded by police in the United Kingdom in 2010.
And Pakistan, where the Shafias fled in 1992 and lived for four years, is to honour killing what Las Vegas is to gambling or Mecca to Islam — the holiest shrine.
Every year, between 300 and 1,000 girls and women in Pakistan are punished, usually but not exclusively by their fathers and brothers, for real or perceived crimes against family honour. Just last month, Pakistan’s Human Rights Commission reported that in the first nine months of 2011, 675 women and girls were killed in honour slayings.
These crimes always involve real or imagined breaches of female sexual integrity, and the offences range from being seen with unknown males, being too independent, being raped (which brings shame to the tribe), asking for divorce, dressing provocatively — or even rumours of any of the above.
And in the last two years, 2006 and 2007, that the Shafia clan lived in Dubai before coming to Canada, a local paper, the Gulf News, reported at least two cases of honour crimes, one where two brothers beat up and locked away their 35-year-old sister for staying with a man.
In fact, the day after the jurors retired, Montreal’s La Presse ran a front-page interview columnist Michele Ouimet had with one of Yahya’s sisters, Soraya, in Kabul.
Soraya was “scandalized” by the pictures the reporter showed them, shot of Zainab and Sahar in ordinarily skimpy skirts or bathing and with male friends and boyfriends. She and her husband both cheerfully told Ouimet they believe in killing for honour.
Her husband Habibullah said simply, if his daughters (the couple has seven, plus two boys) dishonoured him, “I would put them in a bag and eliminate them so no one would ever find their traces in Afghanistan.”
But Yahya and Shafia never heard of such killings before?
Their testimony on this point was transparently self-serving and nakedly dishonest: They were lying through their teeth.
But then lying is like breathing to this family.
If it’s a fair generalisation that some Afghans have learned to say whatever they think their listener wants to hear, if it’s true that there is what’s called “permissible lying” in Islam (it’s called al-Taqiyya, and means the concealing or disguising of one’s beliefs, feelings or opinions to save oneself from injury), none of it quite explains the Shafias.
Neither typical Afghans nor typical Muslims, and certainly not devout, they simply have their own unusual if not unique pathology.
The jurors heard how theirs was a house divided: Boys were good, trusted, given freedom; youngsters, even girls so long as they weren’t yet menstruating and thus prone to temptation, were good; pubescent girls and older, not so much.
This may explain Yahya’s copious tears when speaking of her youngest, the little girl who was just eight when all this unfolded: Eight is such a good, safe, innocent, age for a girl.
But for this wee girl, who burst into tears at the funeral and wailed Geeti’s name aloud, the others who survived the family holocaust were the boy, who testified for his father at trial, and the middle sister.
The boy was caught on a wiretap the night before his parents were arrested and after he and his two siblings had been apprehended by child welfare officials. It is evident from what he said on the tapes that at the least, he was playing ball with the story spun by his parents and Hamed — and perhaps even that he knew of the murder plan at minimum after it had been carried out.
A permanent publication ban protects their all names.
By the evidence, with their big brother Hamed, the middle siblings kept a close eye on their more daring sisters.
Hamed once miraculously arrived at the house minutes after Zainab, their parents gone to Dubai, had sneaked her boyfriend in: The suggestion was he’d been following her. The son who testified at trial reportedly encountered Sahar with her boyfriend at a restaurant near their school.
At the very sight of him, the couple sprang apart and he even kissed another girl to deflect suspicion.
Sahar and Geeti once told Nathalie Laramee, their school VP, they were “afraid in the house” and that “we know our behaviour at school is reported back at the home”. They appeared to be referring to both middle sibs, who went to the same school.
And consider what Zainab wrote to Ammar Wahid, the young man she briefly married in the incident which sparked the familial conflagration, in an email before they even met for the first time, she laid out the rules: He was not to approach or acknowledge her publicly; she would come to his locker if she could, and if he saw her brother Hamed anywhere, he should “act like complete stranger”.
In this world, there was no such thing as dating. A girl who liked a boy had to marry him (thus Zainab’s desire to get married was as much about escape as anything else) and only if he was suitable — preferably Afghan, Muslim and from a good family.
The parents’ wealth appears to have shielded them, not from official scrutiny, but from sanction.
Three times the girls’ school, where teachers were alarmed either by Sahar’s profound sadness or Geeti’s increasing wildness, called one or another of Quebec’s child-welfare agencies, the last time in June, just weeks before the family set out on their ostensible vacation.
Each time, the sisters either backed off their original allegations, usually in their parents’ presence (their father could silence them with a glare), or the parents and other children so vigorously denied them, that the files were closed — though in at least one instance, the worker deemed the allegations “founded” or true.
This combination of a perceived need for cultural sensitivity, a family which was so well-off and presentable, and kids so frightened out of their skins they recanted, defeated the child-welfare complaint system.
Consider what Montreal Police Detective Laurie-Ann Lefebvre, who with a partner investigated the 911 call some of the children had a stranger make on their behalf the day Zainab ran away, had to say about Sahar.
Det. Lefebvre was a child-abuse investigator. She interviewed the children, and one of Sahar’s chief complaints was a lack of freedom.
Prosecutor Lacelle asked her, “How did Sahar appear?” and Det. Lefebvre replied, “Well, I was surprised. She said she had no freedom, but she was well-dressed, wore jewelry, had nice makeup. She did not seem depressed.”
And the detective told Sahar that: “I said, ‘no freedom?’. I said, ‘You’re well-dressed, have nice makeup.’”
Let that be a lesson for Canadian police, women’s rights activists, social workers and the like: The oppression of girls and women wears different faces, and some of them are beautiful, not battered, and some of them are beautifully made up. Birds in gilded cages are still in cages.
It was the very sort of societal prejudice which ended up leaving the girls even more vulnerable and protecting the Shafia parents and Hamed. If the trio felt entitled and safe to do what they wanted, who could blame them?
Virtually every time Shafia and Yahya encountered Canadian authorities, they bamboozled them.
The family arrived in Canada under Quebec’s “immigrant investor” program — investors put up a chunk of cash interest-free in exchange for permanent residency — and three months later, no questions asked, brought in the other wife, Mohammad, as a domestic servant on a visitor’s visa.
The parents were called in by school officials a number of times, but Yahya would weep, Shafia would rail furiously, and no action would be taken.
When the school called in child welfare, the same thing would happen: Denials, rage and tears from these affluent parents worked in this country. All their experience with institutional Canada gave them no reason to imagine that a small-city police force wouldn’t be similarly stymied.
It explains the collective arrogance they brought to their crime; they simply imagined they would get away with it.
That it was not a brilliant plan — nor well-executed — actually became part of their defence. Who, Shafia’s lawyer thundered in his closing address, would ever pick such a weird place to commit a murder, take such a chance?
But the truth is, criminality and stupidity are hardly mutually exclusive; rather, the opposite.
It is a delicious irony that it was in some part Shafia’s cheapness — he may be rich but he always kept a wary eye on the pennies — which first raised police suspicions and undermined the family’s original story.
All three — mother, father and Hamed — first claimed that the last they saw of any of the four dead women was shortly after they all got to the Kingston East Motel, when Zainab allegedly came looking for the keys to the Nissan, and then purportedly took the others out for the fatal spin.
But when father and son were checking in, and manager Robert Miller asked how many people there would be in each room, their answers got his attention.
“Six,” said Shafia, clearly not wanting to pay extra for the quartet who would never make it to the motel and would soon be dead in the water.
Hamed then said something to him in Dari, they had a bit of a chat, and Hamed then said, “Nine.” Miller, who of course would remember this forever, suggested they settle on a number.
They did: The receipts, signed by Hamed, show there would be three people per room.
Then there was the matter of the Nissan itself: Shafia, unwilling to see fine cars like the Lexus SUV or the Montana minivan wasted on four females, picked up the used Nissan for $5,000 the very day before the family left Montreal for Niagara Falls.
No one will ever know for sure how the three girls and Mohammad drowned — was it in the turning basin at the locks, as police believe (they even checked the drains)? Were they administered a drug which incapacitated them then so quickly disappeared from their bodies toxicological tests couldn’t find it?
What is in no doubt is that all four of them, in the long weeks and months before their deaths, knew they were in danger, that they were afraid, and that their pleas for help were misunderstood or minimized.
At autopsy, Sahar was found to be the only one of the four who didn’t have areas of fresh bruising to the top of her head.
Because of that, right or wrong, I’ve always imagined, in the prosecution theory of how the four were killed, that she was the last to be taken out of the car and drowned. I fear that by the time her killers came for her, she knew very well what was happening: The girl who wanted to be a doctor when she grew up realized she was not going to grow up.
On that June night in a lovely place in one of the freest and luckiest nations in the world, at the hands of those who should have most loved and protected her, she was killed because, well, she was a girl.

Opposition promises to fight billions in expected federal government cuts


OTTAWA — Canada's MPs have returned to Parliament and are poised for a raucous battle over Prime Minister Stephen Harper's plan to reform old-age pensions in a forthcoming budget that promises to dramatically slash spending and transform the nation.
The Conservative government also says it will push for reforms to the lucrative pension plan for members of Parliament and will urge opposition parties to accept a haircut to the retirement package for federal politicians.
New Democrats, however, won't commit to cutting MPs' pensions, insisting an independent panel should decide the matter.
The political adversaries began arriving on Parliament Hill on Monday armed with sharp-edged attacks.
Government House Leader Peter Van Loan insisted that while the governing Conservatives are intent on boosting the economy, the official Opposition is focused on "killing jobs" while the Liberals have no plan at all.
But the opposition parties have declared they will mount a firm challenge to Harper's government, particularly on pension cutbacks for seniors — an area that went unmentioned by the Tories in last year's election campaign.
The Conservative government is promising any increase in the age to qualify for Old Age Security won't affect current seniors or those approaching retirement age.
The Tories have been considering raising the age Canadians can receive the OAS benefit to 67 from the current 65 to help ensure the fiscal sustainability of the retirement system in the future.
"All seniors should rest assured those who are collecting OAS today will continue to collect it without any change," Van Loan told reporters Monday in the foyer of the House of Commons. "Our focus is on the medium and the long term and ensuring the sustainability of the system for 10 years, 20 years, 30 years from now."
Van Loan also said the government will look to make changes to the lucrative pension plan for members of Parliament through the secretive, multi-party Board of Internal Economy, which oversees MP salaries and benefits.
"We on the government side have asked that Board of Internal Economy, which manages the spending of this place, also do its fair share as part of the deficit reduction action plan," he said.
"We don't think it's right that we would be asking all of government and all of Canadians to accept that we make savings across the board if we're aren't prepared to do that ourselves. For that reason, we're looking for real action out of the Board of Internal Economy."
NDP finance critic Peter Julian said the government's musings about changing the OAS qualifying age concerns many Canadians and "is a slap in the face to seniors across this country."
"I don't think senior Canadians can trust this government. Back on May 2, they did not in any way during the election campaign (say) that they were going to move to substantial cuts in our pension system," Julian said.
The NDP will fight against the billions of dollars in expected cuts to program spending, he added, and also highlight their continued concerns with a stubbornly high unemployment rate and deplorable living conditions on First Nations.
However, the NDP won't commit to scaling back what critics call a "gold-plated" pension plan for MPs. Julian said an independent panel — not the Board of Internal Economy — should decide the matter, but the party hasn't received any government response to its recommendation.
"We don't believe it should be members of Parliament deciding on MPs' pensions and MPs' salaries," he said. "It should not be MPs making those decisions. An independent panel is the best route to go."
The political scenario that faced MPs Monday had changed significantly since they began their parliamentary break in mid-December.
Among the changes:
Pensions
Harper announced in Davos, Switzerland last week his majority Conservative will gradually bring forward major changes to the country's pension system so it does not become too expensive in the decades ahead. It has since become clear the Tories plan to cut the costs of the Old Age Security (OAS) system. The government won't reveal its specific plans, but the options include: gradually increasing the age of eligibility to 67 from 65; de-indexing the OAS payments from inflation; and reducing the income threshold which currently claws back payments from people with incomes over about $68,000.
Budget
The fiscal blueprint — the first from a majority government since 2004 — will contain major cuts to federal programs. The government had initially said it sought to slash $4 billion in annual spending. Treasury Board President Tony Clement revealed last week the axe could fall deeper — slashing spending by up to $8 billion annually.
Health care
Harper and Finance Minister Jim Flaherty have signalled they will not enter talks with the provinces to reform the health-care system through a new accord. Instead, they angered the provinces through a surprise, take-it-or-leave-it announcement for future federal medicare funding.
Crime
Provincial criticism of the government's crime agenda is also increasing. They are complaining they will have to foot the bill for the Tories' law-and-order agenda because more inmates will end up in provincial jails.
Energy
The U.S. decision to delay the proposed Keystone XL pipeline has only sharpened political debate in Canada. Harper says his government's "priority" is to find other markets — such as Asia. That leaves the proposed Northern Gateway project — a pipeline from Alberta to the B.C. coast — that is being reviewed by the National Energy Board. Harper and Natural Resources Minister Joe Oliver have complained that foreign-backed "radicals" are slowing down the hearings.